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Why can Taiwan ’s young people be “full green” and can the Kuomintang rush into medical treatment?

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On January 11 this year, Taiwan held a "two-in-one" election, that is, two elections for leaders of the Taiwan region and "legislators." Taiwanese leader Tsai Ing-wen , a Taiwan Democratic Party member seeking re-election, won 8.17 million votes and won 2.65 million votes for the Mayor of Kaohsiung, South Korea, on behalf of the KMT. Tsai Ing-wen became the highest-ranked candidate since the "direct election" of Taiwan's leaders in 1996, breaking the record of 7.69 million votes won by Ma Ying-jeou in the 2008 "election" in Taiwan. In terms of "Legislative Yuan" elections, among the 113 seats in the Taiwan legislature, the DPP won 61 seats, still more than half of them, and once again established the status of "the largest party." Only won 38 seats. The DPP is still "grabbing" the legislative administration, and the situation of "one-party domination" has not been broken. For the "lost-lose" endgame, the Kuomintang conducted a review, and announced 7 major reasons at the party ’s regular meeting on January 15. One of the last reasons for the defeat was that the Kuomintang set the tone as "the youth have a high degree of participation in politics and their party is not favored by young voters." Obviously, the Kuomintang has realized that its defeat is closely related to the failure of the young votes source to maximize, but only stated a few words, did not conduct an in-depth analysis and proposed a response.

Structural factors cause KMT to lose young votes

According to data released by the Taiwan election agency, there are more than 3.11 million young voters aged 20 to 29 in this election, of which 1.18 million are the "first voters" who have obtained the right to vote for the first time, while the outside world estimates it is 20 to 35 The source of votes for young people is almost 5 million. Relative to the low voting rate of young people in previous elections, a large number of young people returned to vote in this election and concentrated most of their votes on the DPP. This move is considered to be one of the important reasons for the Kuomintang's defeat. So why is the DPP favored and the KMT does not recruit Taiwanese young people?

First, years of "independence" education have led young people in Taiwan to "natural Taiwan", and their political identity is relatively biased toward green camps, which has cultivated a large number of "natural voters" for the DPP. From the 1990s, when Lee Teng-hui was in charge of the Taiwan authorities, he promoted "educational reform" to strengthen local education in elementary and middle schools on the island, highlighting the historical proportion of Taiwan and instilling "Taiwan awareness". Followed by Chen Shuibian's 8-year administration, he strongly promoted the "concentric view of history", further strengthened local education, and promoted "de-Chineseization". In the first term of Tsai Ing-wen's administration, he has intensified his efforts to "harm alone" Taiwan's young ethnic groups. In addition to completely abolishing the fine-tuning of the predecessor Ma Ying-jeou's syllabus, he openly promoted the "Taiwan independence syllabus", forcibly instilled "separation consciousness" and "brainwashed" young students on the island. Affected by Lee Teng-hui and the DPP authorities' years of "Taiwan independence" education in the education field, the younger generation of Taiwan, who has now gained the right to vote and has grown up in the future, will naturally favor green camps in their historical identity and political values.

In recent years, many Taiwan opinion poll agencies have frequently launched various types of political identity polls aimed at Taiwan's young ethnic groups. It is no surprise that many young people on the island who have indoctrinated through the "Taiwan Independence Syllabus" have shown a strong "Taiwan native identity" and revealed a "separation consciousness" consistent with the trend of green camp political manipulation. This kind of "natural independence" or "natural Taiwan" artificially shaped by the green camps has cultivated a large number of "faithful voters" for the DPP every year, and has become a reserve force for the party's political mobilization. Prior to this election, that is, at the end of November 2019, Taiwan's "Business Weekly" conducted a poll on "first voters", and the results showed that up to 83.1% agreed that they were Taiwanese, and that they only considered themselves Chinese. 1.1%, only about 10% think that they are both Taiwanese and Chinese. The party they support most is the DPP, followed by the "Power of the Times", and the third is the KMT.

Under such circumstances, Blue Party parties, including the Kuomintang (KMT), will inevitably have "congenital shortcomings" when they compete with the DPP for political parties, especially in major elections, when they are competing for young votes. "symptom". And if the DPP conducts ideological mobilization and manipulates "ethnic rivalries" or "generational disputes", the KMT will become even more passive.

Second, the "100-year-old party" Kuomintang capitalists, the stereotype that young people are not prone to get ahead is difficult to get rid of. After the Taiwan Student Anti-Service Trade Rally in 2014, Ma Ying-jeou, then governing Taiwan authorities, was also the chairman of the KMT at the time, realizing that the KMT had a huge crisis of youth recognition, and started a dialogue with the youth and set about reforms. However, the results have been minimal. The Kuomintang was defeated in the "nine in one" election at the end of the year, and a large number of young votes flowed to the DPP. In March 2016, after Hong Xiuzhu took over as chairman of the Kuomintang, he began to carry out substantial reforms and implement the strategy of "bringing up youth with strength." However, due to his short term, he did not really show his due results. The Kuomintang entered the era of Wu Dunyi at the helm in May 2017. The party still has not been able to shake off the ecology of big brother politics and local factions, and the stereotype of young people is hard to have a “first day”. As a result, the "separation" between the Kuomintang and the youth community is still very strong, which will have an adverse impact on winning the support of Taiwan's youth in the 2020 "election".

Third, the party candidate, Korean Yu, had short-sighted personal political considerations, deviations in election strategies, and distorted personal image, which virtually rejected young votes. In the "Nine-in-One" election in 2018, when running for the mayor of Kaohsiung, South Korea's Yu appealed to the "popular economy", easy-to-understand election slogans, and interacted with Taiwan's "net influencers". It has created a good volume and won the recognition and support of many young people in Taiwan. However, shortly after his election, South Korea ’s Yu Yu went to the Kuomintang 2020 primary election just a few months after being elected because of the “Korean Wave” and was labeled the “Lost Mayor”. The Green Battalion has increased its containment of South Korea ’s Yu. For example, it ’s labeled as “Korean Switchboard” in the Kaohsiung City Council ’s “Jump Needle Answer”. In addition, South Korea ’s imaginative political opinions and expressions have been distorted into “grass bags”. Under the constant attacks and smears of the Green Camp media and the Internet, the "Hate Democratic Progressive Party" was successfully evolved into the "Hate Korean Yoga", and the distance between the Korean Yoga and the younger people increased. In addition, the Green Camp is frantically hyping and consuming Hong Kong's "anti-revision case storm", and it is constantly "smearing red" on South Korea's Yu. South Korean Yu ’s young people ’s support dropped sharply, while opponent Cai Yingwen continued to accumulate sound by playing “crisis cards” wildly.

Due to the previous "election", although the young people in Taiwan are enthusiastic, their turnout rate is relatively low. Based on this, South Korea ’s election is focused on the "national government card" and strongly appeals to voters of middle age and above. Despite the late election campaign, South Korea's Yu turned to operate a young ticket source and went to participate in the talk show "Born Night Show" supported by Taiwanese young people. It is said that two hours after the program was broadcast, it attracted more than 300,000 viewers, and in 3 days it exceeded 3 million views. However, within a short period of time, Taiwanese young people have yet to reverse their stereotypes. According to the Taiwan Dongsen News report, on the eve of the election, a student forum called "Zuvio Campus" in Taiwan initiated online voting. Although 38.50% of the students who participated in the vote said they were still watching, 47.38% of the students expressed support for Tsai Ing-wen. , While Korea Yu only gained 4.76%. It can be seen that the lack of support from a large number of young votes has led South Korean Yu into a relatively passive state in the election campaign.

DPP sells fake "dried mangoes"

Based on the related reasons stated above, the DPP has played the "crisis card" and "intimidation card" in this election, hyped up the consumption of "retrofit storms" in Hong Kong, and used the net army to lead the trend. The winning young people's support rate turned the urging votes into voting behavior, which defeated the opponents in the young votes part, thereby helping to establish a "two-in-one" election victory.

First, the DPP adopted a "slogan-style" populist instigating method, playing the "crisis card" wildly, creating a false atmosphere of "dried mango" (so-called "desperation"), deliberately distorting the cause of the situation, and misleading the young people in Taiwan. In 2019, after the "Nine in One" elections in 2018, political prestige slumped to the bottom. The downturned DPP and Cai Yingwen reversed the support rate on two nodes and deceived many Taiwanese supporters. . One node is the "One Country, Two Systems, Taiwan Plan" on January 2 and the other is the "anti-revision storm" in Hong Kong that broke out in June. "One country, two systems" is the institutional arrangement after national unification and the best way to solve the cross-strait deadlock, which has become a consensus. However, the Tsai Ing-wen authorities deliberately equated the "92 Consensus" with "one country, two systems", that is, "the common political basis for the development of cross-strait relations" with "the institutional arrangements after national unification." Because the Green Camp had previously wildly smeared and stigmatized "one country, two systems", many Taiwanese people, including young Taiwanese, did not know much about the meaning of "one country, two systems", and even had large misunderstandings. Green Camp politicians, opinion leaders, and pro-green media have the same caliber, and they are "divided into and attacked" to connect the two. In addition, the Kuomintang's attitude toward "one country, two systems" dances with the Green Camp, but instead falls into the public opinion trap set by the DPP. Originally adhering to the "1992 Consensus" and advocating a benign interaction between the two sides of the strait, its "cross-strait relations card" has greatly reduced or even dispelled its advantages in attracting Taiwanese people, including Taiwanese young people.

After the storm of Hong Kong's revisions broke out in June 2019, Green Camp politicians and the media once again took the opportunity to hype, deliberately distorted the situation, and selectively magnified individual conflict scenes, pointing the finger at the Hong Kong SAR government and the mainland. Throw out the so-called "Hong Kong today, Taiwan tomorrow" slogan, create a so-called "dried mango" false island social atmosphere, and deceived the identity and support of Taiwan's young ethnic groups. In the subsequent development process, in addition to continuing to push the "correction storm" to the Taiwanese young people's misdirection, the Tsai Ing-wen authorities continued to play the "crisis card." The "Reverse Infiltration Law", which is full of malice and provocation against the mainland, continued to be passed, and was forcibly passed 10 days before the "election" in Taiwan. At the same time, the "National Security Law" and "Social Order Maintenance Law" and other related "regulations" were used to "check the water meter", riot intimidation, prosecution and sentencing, etc., for Taiwan ’s unification, travel industry and cross-strait exchange activists. The "chilling effect" eradicated the social atmosphere. In addition, before the election, he hyped up Wang Liqiang's false "co-spying case", and then rendered and infinitely used pro-green media and celebrities to make the so-called "dried mango" more "real", and a large number of young Taiwanese with unknown truth. People are thus misled.

The second is to strengthen interaction with Internet celebrities and hype the Internet celebrity incident to oppose cross-strait confrontation and attract young Taiwanese support. During the election process, Tsai Ing-wen stepped up her interaction with Taiwanese influencers. For example, invite the Taiwanese influencer "Adi" to her special plane, ask Taiwan influencer Zhong Mingxuan to go to the official residence to talk about the home, show the civilians on the Internet show "Born Night Show", and the "Porter King" who is good at talking "The co-production film show was" stunned "and so on. Many of Tsai Ing-wen's videos cooperating with Taiwanese influencers and Youtuber have attracted a lot of young people in Taiwan to click and eliminate the sense of distance with them. Among them, "Potter King" triggered cross-strait public opinion events during the interaction with Cai Yingwen. The cooperation with the mainland partner "Papi Sauce" company "Papitube" was terminated. Green Camp and "Potter King" took advantage of the hype to shape the so-called mainland suppression. The illusion is to add weight to Cai Yingwen's appeal to younger ethnic groups. The DPP authorities used the controversial "same marriage" issue to hype and eventually "legalize" "same marriage" on the island of Taiwan, thereby strengthening the support of Taiwan's young ethnic groups.

Third, before the election, the organization mobilized and urged votes through various forms and channels. By adding extra weight to create a false atmosphere of "dried mangoes" and enthusiastically heated the topic of "return to the polls", the DPP successfully transformed the support of young ethnic groups on the island. Into a voting rate, realizing online voice volume into actual voting behavior. In order to mobilize Taiwanese young people to "go home and vote" to vote, the DPP has done everything possible, party and government and peripheral organizations moved in, and online and offline organic combination, to provide "kinetic energy" for Taiwanese young people to return to the country to vote. On the one hand, hype on public opinion on the Internet, continue to amplify and consume Hong Kong's "revised storm", and apply "dried mango" to the limit. The Green Camp Cyber Army and the DPP have fabricated propaganda slogans on the Internet. Political figures and green media cooperate to render them, forming a strong public opinion ecosystem. For example, Tsai Ing-wen sent a campaign advertisement "speak loudly" before the camp election, calling for the so-called "As long as we are united, no one can bully us", and the Green Camp Network Army spread on the Internet the so-called "Taiwan is not far from Hong Kong, the distance of a ballot "Wait for words to urge young people. According to data released by Taiwan ’s “KEYPO Big Data Key Engine”, Tsai Ing-wen ’s “Facebook” and IG have become the largest sources of hype for “back to home voting”, and most of these voices are obtained through Green Camp opinion leaders and greenish Fan professions spread. On the other hand, in addition to increasing online voice online, the DPP has also organized offline mobilization. For example, on the occasion of election campaigns, they called for "return to the country to vote". They also held press conferences and used the pro-green young society to organize the "return to the country to vote train" to provide convenience for returning home. On the eve of the election voting, dozens of "first voter" representatives were even launched, and "British Eye Troops" made up of pro-green young people from all over the island gathered for the first time, prompting a wave of "return to hometown voting."

Attacking the young votes source Lanying must not be sick and vote for medical treatment. From the above statement, it can be seen from this statement that a large number of young ethnic groups in Taiwan voted for the Democratic Progressive Party instead of the Kuomintang, and they had both received long-term "Taiwan independence" education, party culture, and social atmosphere Left and right, of course, are also affected by election strategies, emergencies and candidate characteristics. As the number of "first voters" in each election keeps increasing, the population and voting ratio of young people on the island have also gradually increased, which has created considerable pressure on Taiwanese political parties based on votes. The "big party" KMT. However, this election, although the KMT failed to effectively absorb young votes, was considered to be one of the key factors in the defeat. But this is not an excuse for the KMT to abandon the "core discourse" and even turn to cater to the demands of young people and dance with the green camp.

On the one hand, young ticket sources are swaying and prone to incitement. This extremely unstable trait is likely to produce the "pendulum effect". Although it is relatively green due to the long-term education indoctrination, if it is not handled properly, the young ticket source may fall back to support the other party. Take the Mayoral election of Kaohsiung at the end of 2018 as an example. At the time, the South Korean Yu, who represented the Kuomintang in the election, accurately grasped the characteristics of young people. Through cooperation with online influencers, live broadcast, and easy-to-understand words, he successfully created a lot of The volume of internet voice has won the support of many young people in Taiwan. In addition, he focused on the topic of "Beijing Drifting Youth" and successfully mobilized Kaohsiung youth in northern Taiwan to "go home to vote", thus winning the initiative in the election campaign. In the election process, although it was a local election and Kaohsiung originally belonged to the Green Camp base camp, South Korea ’s public announcement of its support for the “1992 Consensus” also won recognition and support. After the election, the "1992 Consensus" became a hot search term for the local network. Many people are willing to understand its connotation and extension. In the last Taiwan "election", which was the 2016 Taiwan leader election, many Taiwanese young people voted for the DPP, but because Tsai Ing-wen was incompetent after taking office, her young people supported It fell sharply, and even became a target of young people. It can be seen that young ticket sources have specific attributes and can be guided.

On the other hand, the Kuomintang is currently in a state of chaos due to the fiasco of the election, and various unscrupulous reform proposals have been thrown out. For example, the name of the Chinese Kuomintang Party is "de-Sinification", and the topic "China" is removed and fermented again; the so-called review of the "1992 Consensus", the launch of the Kuomintang version of "Taiwan Future Resolution" and so on. These quick successes and short-term operating methods will undoubtedly be difficult to achieve real results, and will lose core positions and principles, and may even cause the Blue Camp supporters to collapse and give the former DPP a "de-Sinification" move. It would obviously be a reference to medical treatment in a sudden illness and self-deprivation. (The author is Yang Kunfu, the director of the Taiwan Society of Xiamen; the source of this article: "Taihai" magazine)

On January 11 this year , Taiwan held a "two-in-one" election, that is, two elections for leaders of the Taiwan region and "legislators." Taiwanese leader Tsai Ing-wen, a Taiwan Democratic Party member seeking re-election, won 8.17 million votes and won 2.65 million votes for the Mayor of Kaohsiung, South Korea, on behalf of the KMT . 769 万得票记录。 Tsai Ing-wen became the highest-ranked candidate since the "direct election" of Taiwan's leaders in 1996 , breaking the record of 7.69 million votes won by Ma Ying-jeou in the 2008 "election" in Taiwan . In terms of "Legislative Yuan" elections, among the 113 seats in the Taiwan legislature , the DPP won 61 seats, still more than half of them, and once again established the status of the "largest party", although the KMT has grown slightly, but Only won 38 seats. The DPP is still "grabbing" the legislative administration, and the situation of "one-party domination" has not been broken. For the "lost-lose" endgame, the Kuomintang conducted a review, and announced 7 major reasons at the party ’s regular meeting on January 15 . One of the last reasons for the defeat was that the Kuomintang set the tone as "the youth have a high degree of participation in politics and their party is not favored by young voters." Obviously, the Kuomintang has realized that its defeat is closely related to the failure of the young votes source to maximize, but only stated a few words, did not conduct an in-depth analysis and proposed a response.

Structural factors cause KMT to lose young votes

According to data released by the Taiwan election agency, there are more than 3.11 million young voters aged 20 to 29 in this election , of which 1.18 million are the "first voters" who have obtained the right to vote for the first time , while the outside world estimates it is 20 to 35 The source of votes for young people is almost 5 million. Relative to the low voting rate of young people in previous elections, a large number of young people returned to vote in this election and concentrated most of their votes on the DPP. This move is considered to be one of the important reasons for the Kuomintang's defeat. So why is the DPP favored and the KMT does not recruit Taiwanese young people?

First, years of "independence" education have led young people in Taiwan to "natural Taiwan", and their political identity is relatively biased toward green camps, which has cultivated a large number of "natural voters" for the DPP. From the 1990s , when Lee Teng-hui was in charge of the Taiwan authorities, he promoted "educational reform" to strengthen local education in elementary and middle schools on the island, highlighting the historical proportion of Taiwan and instilling "Taiwan awareness". 同心圆史观 ”,进一步强化本土教育,并大肆推行“去中国化”等等。 Followed by Chen Shuibian's 8- year administration, he strongly promoted the " concentric view of history ", further strengthened local education, and promoted "de-Chineseization". In the first term of Tsai Ing-wen's administration, he has intensified his efforts to "harm alone" Taiwan's young ethnic groups. In addition to completely abolishing the fine-tuning of the predecessor Ma Ying-jeou's syllabus, he openly promoted the "Taiwan independence syllabus", forcibly instilled "separation consciousness" and "brainwashed" young students on the island. Affected by Lee Teng-hui and the DPP authorities' years of "Taiwan independence" education in the education field, the younger generation of Taiwan, who has now gained the right to vote and has grown up in the future, will naturally favor green camps in their historical identity and political values.

In recent years, many Taiwan opinion poll agencies have frequently launched various types of political identity polls aimed at Taiwan's young ethnic groups. It is no surprise that many young people on the island who have indoctrinated through the "Taiwan Independence Syllabus" have shown a strong "Taiwan native identity" and revealed a "separation consciousness" consistent with the trend of green camp political manipulation. This kind of "natural independence" or "natural Taiwan" artificially shaped by the green camps has cultivated a large number of "faithful voters" for the DPP every year, and has become a reserve force for the party's political mobilization. Prior to this election, that is , at the end of November 2019 , Taiwan's "Business Weekly" conducted a poll on "first voters ", and the results showed that up to 83.1% agreed that they were Taiwanese, and that they only considered themselves Chinese. 1.1% , only about 10 % think that they are both Taiwanese and Chinese . The party they support most is the DPP, followed by the "Power of the Times", and the third is the KMT.

Under such circumstances, Blue Party parties, including the Kuomintang (KMT), will inevitably have "congenital shortcomings" when they compete with the DPP for political parties, especially in major elections, when they are competing for young votes . "symptom". And if the DPP conducts ideological mobilization and manipulates "ethnic rivalries" or "generational disputes", the KMT will become even more passive.

Secondly, the "100-year-old party" Kuomintang's capitalist theory, it is difficult for young people to get rid of stereotypes. After the Taiwan Student Anti-Service Trade Rally in 2014 , Ma Ying-jeou, then governing Taiwan authorities, was also the chairman of the KMT at the time, realizing that the KMT had a huge crisis of youth recognition, and started a dialogue with the youth and set about reforms. However, the results have been minimal. The Kuomintang was defeated in the "nine in one" election at the end of the year, and a large number of young votes flowed to the DPP. In March 2016, after Hong Xiuzhu took over as chairman of the Kuomintang, he began to carry out substantial reforms and implement the strategy of "bringing up youth with strength." However, due to his short term, he did not really show his due results. The Kuomintang entered the era of Wu Dunyi at the helm in May 2017. The party still has not been able to shake off the ecology of big brother politics and local factions, and the stereotype of young people is hard to have a “first day”. As a result, the "separation" between the Kuomintang and the youth community is still very strong, which will have a negative impact on winning the support of Taiwan's youth in the 2020 "election".

Third, the party candidate, Korean Yu, had short-sighted personal political considerations, deviations in election strategies, and distorted personal image, which virtually rejected young votes. In the "Nine-in-One" election in 2018 , when running for the mayor of Kaohsiung, South Korea's Yu appealed to the "popular economy", easy-to-understand election slogans, and interacted with Taiwan's "net influencers". It has created a good volume and won the recognition and support of many young people in Taiwan. However, shortly after his election, South Korea ’s Yu Yu went to the Kuomintang 2020 primary election just a few months after being elected because of the “Korean Wave” and was labeled the “Lost Mayor”. The Green Battalion has increased its containment of South Korea ’s Yu. For example, it ’s labeled as “Korean Switchboard” in the Kaohsiung City Council ’s “Jump Needle Answer”. In addition, South Korea ’s imaginative political opinions and expressions have been distorted into “grass bags”. Under the constant attacks and smears of the Green Camp media and the Internet, the "Hate Democratic Progressive Party" was successfully evolved into the "Hate Korean Yoga", and the distance between the Korean Yoga and the younger people increased. In addition, the Green Camp is frantically hyping and consuming Hong Kong's "anti-revision case storm", and it is constantly "smearing red" on South Korea's Yu. South Korean Yu ’s young people ’s support dropped sharply, while opponent Cai Yingwen continued to accumulate sound by playing “crisis cards” wildly.

Due to the previous "election", although the young people in Taiwan are enthusiastic, their turnout rate is relatively low. Based on this, South Korea ’s election is focused on the "national government card" and strongly appeals to voters of middle age and above. Despite the late election campaign, South Korea's Yu turned to operate a young ticket source and went to participate in the talk show "Born Night Show" supported by Taiwanese young people. It is said that two hours after the program was broadcast, it attracted more than 300,000 viewers, and in 3 days it exceeded 3 million views . However, within a short period of time, Taiwanese young people have yet to reverse their stereotypes. According to Taiwan's Dongsen News, on the eve of the election, a student forum called " Zuvio Campus" in Taiwan initiated online voting. Although 38.50% of the students who participated in the vote said they were still watching, 47.38% of the students expressed support for Tsai Ing-wen. , While Korea Yu only gained 4.76% . It can be seen that the lack of support from a large number of young votes has led South Korean Yu into a relatively passive state in the election campaign.

DPP sells fake "dried mangoes"

Based on the related reasons stated above, the DPP has played the "crisis card" and "intimidation card" in this election , hyped up the consumption of "retrofit storms" in Hong Kong, and used the net army to lead the trend. The winning young people's support rate turned the urging votes into voting behavior, which defeated the opponents in the young votes part, thereby helping to establish a "two-in-one" election victory.

First, the DPP adopted a "slogan-style" populist instigating method, playing the "crisis card" wildly, creating a false atmosphere of "dried mango" (so-called "desperation"), deliberately distorting the cause of the situation, and misleading the young people in Taiwan. In 2019 , after the "Nine in One" elections in 2018 , political prestige slumped to the bottom. The downturned DPP and Cai Yingwen reversed the support rate on two nodes and deceived many Taiwanese supporters. . One node is the "One Country, Two Systems, Taiwan Plan" on January 2 and the other is the "anti-revision storm" in Hong Kong that broke out in June . "One country, two systems" is the institutional arrangement after national unification and the best way to solve the cross-strait deadlock, which has become a consensus. However, the Tsai Ing-wen authorities deliberately equated the "92 Consensus" with "one country, two systems", that is, "the common political basis for the development of cross-strait relations" with "the institutional arrangements after national unification." Because the Green Camp had previously wildly smeared and stigmatized "one country, two systems", many Taiwanese people, including young Taiwanese, did not know much about the meaning of "one country, two systems", and even had large misunderstandings. Green Camp politicians, opinion leaders, and pro-green media have the same caliber, and they are "divided into and attacked" to connect the two. In addition, the Kuomintang's attitude toward "one country, two systems" dances with the Green Camp, but instead falls into the public opinion trap set by the DPP. Originally adhering to the "1992 Consensus" and advocating a benign interaction between the two sides of the strait, its "cross-strait relations card" has greatly reduced or even dispelled its advantages in attracting Taiwanese people, including Taiwanese young people.

After the storm of Hong Kong's revisions broke out in June 2019 , Green Camp politicians and the media once again took the opportunity to hype, deliberately distorted the situation, and selectively magnified individual conflict scenes, pointing the finger at the Hong Kong SAR government and the mainland. Throw out the so-called "Hong Kong today, Taiwan tomorrow" slogan, create a so-called "dried mango" false island social atmosphere, and deceived the identity and support of Taiwan's young ethnic groups. In the subsequent development process, in addition to continuing to push the "correction storm" to the Taiwanese young people's misdirection, the Tsai Ing-wen authorities continued to play the "crisis card." The "Reverse Infiltration Law", which is full of malice and provocation against the mainland, continued to be passed, and was forcibly passed 10 days before the "election" in Taiwan . At the same time, the "National Security Law" and "Social Order Maintenance Law" and other related "regulations" were used to "check the water meter", riot intimidation, prosecution and sentencing, etc., for Taiwan ’s unification, travel industry and cross-strait communication activists The "chilling effect" eradicated the social atmosphere. In addition, before the election, he hyped up Wang Liqiang's false "co-spying case", and then rendered and infinitely used pro-green media and celebrities to make the so-called "dried mango" more "real", and a large number of young Taiwanese with unknown truth. People are thus misled.

The second is to strengthen interaction with Internet celebrities and hype the Internet celebrity incident to oppose cross-strait confrontation and attract young Taiwanese support. During the election process, Tsai Ing-wen stepped up her interaction with Taiwanese influencers. For example, invite the Taiwanese influencer "Adi" to her special plane, ask Taiwan influencer Zhong Mingxuan to go to the official residence to talk about the home, show the civilians on the Internet show "Born Night Show", and the "Porter King" who is good at talking "The co-production film show was" stunned "and so on. Many of Tsai Ing-wen 's films cooperating with Taiwanese influencers and Youtuber have attracted a lot of young people in Taiwan to click and eliminate the sense of distance with them. Among them, "Potter King" triggered cross-strait public opinion in the process of interacting with Cai Yingwen. The cooperation with the mainland partner " Papi sauce" company " Papitube " was terminated. The Green Camp and "Potter King" took advantage of the hype to shape the so-called mainland suppression. The illusion is to add weight to Cai Yingwen's appeal to younger ethnic groups. The DPP authorities used the controversial "same marriage" issue to hype and eventually "legalize" "same marriage" on the island of Taiwan, thereby strengthening the support of Taiwan's young ethnic groups.

Third, before the election, the organization mobilized and urged votes through various forms and channels. By adding extra weight to create a false atmosphere of "dried mangoes" and enthusiastically heated the topic of "return to the polls", the DPP successfully transformed the support of young ethnic groups on the island. Into a voting rate, realizing online voice volume into actual voting behavior. In order to mobilize Taiwanese young people to "go home and vote" to vote, the DPP has done everything possible, party and government and peripheral organizations moved in, and online and offline organic combination, to provide "kinetic energy" for Taiwanese young people to return to the country to vote. On the one hand, hype on public opinion on the Internet, continue to amplify and consume Hong Kong's "revised storm", and apply "dried mango" to the limit. The Green Camp Cyber Army and the DPP have fabricated propaganda slogans on the Internet. Political figures and green media cooperate to render them, forming a strong public opinion ecosystem. For example, Tsai Ing-wen sent a campaign advertisement "speak loudly" before the camp election, calling for the so-called "As long as we are united, no one can bully us", and the Green Camp Network Army spread on the Internet the so-called "Taiwan is not far from Hong Kong, the distance of a ballot "Wait for words to urge young people. According to data released by Taiwan ’s “ KEYPO Big Data Key Engine”, Tsai Ing-wen ’s “Facebook” and IG have become the biggest sources of sound volume for the hype “Return to Home Voting”, and most of these sound volumes are made by Green Camp opinion leaders and green Fan professions spread. On the other hand, in addition to increasing online voice online, the DPP has also organized offline mobilization. For example, on the occasion of election campaigns, they called for "return to the country to vote". They also held press conferences and used the pro-green young society to organize the "return to the country to vote train" to provide convenience for returning home. On the eve of the election voting, dozens of "first voter" representatives were even launched, and "British Eye Troops" made up of pro-green young people from all over the island gathered for the first time, prompting a wave of "return to hometown voting."

Attacking young ticket sources

It can be seen from the above statement that this election, a large number of young ethnic groups in Taiwan voted for the Democratic Progressive Party instead of the KMT. They were both affected by the island ’s long-term “Taiwan independence” education, party culture, and social atmosphere. Of course, they were also affected by election strategies and emergencies. And candidate traits. As the number of "first voters" in each election keeps increasing, the population and voting ratio of young people on the island have also gradually increased, which has created considerable pressure on Taiwanese political parties based on votes. The "big party" KMT. However, this election, although the KMT failed to effectively absorb young votes, was considered to be one of the key factors in the defeat. But this is not an excuse for the KMT to abandon the "core discourse" and even turn to cater to the demands of young people and dance with the green camp.

On the one hand, young ticket sources are swaying and prone to incitement. This extremely unstable trait is likely to produce the "pendulum effect". Although it is relatively green due to the long-term education indoctrination, if it is not handled properly, the young ticket source may fall back to support the other party. Take the Mayoral election of Kaohsiung at the end of 2018 as an example. At the time, the South Korean Yu, who represented the Kuomintang in the election, accurately grasped the characteristics of young people. Through cooperation with online influencers, live broadcast, and easy-to-understand words, he successfully created a lot of The volume of internet voice has won the support of many young people in Taiwan. In addition, he focused on the topic of "Beijing Drifting Youth" and successfully mobilized Kaohsiung youth in northern Taiwan to "go home to vote", thus winning the initiative in the election campaign. In the election process, although it was a local election and Kaohsiung originally belonged to the Green Camp base camp, South Korea ’s public announcement of its support for the “1992 Consensus” also won recognition and support. After the election, the "1992 Consensus" became a hot search term for the local network. Many people are willing to understand its connotation and extension. In the last Taiwan "election", which was the 2016 Taiwan leader election, many Taiwanese young people voted for the DPP, but because Tsai Ing-wen was incompetent after taking office, her young people supported It fell sharply, and even became a target of young people. It can be seen that young ticket sources have specific attributes and can be guided.

On the other hand, the Kuomintang is currently in a state of chaos due to the fiasco of the election, and various unscrupulous reform proposals have been thrown out. For example, the name of the Chinese Kuomintang Party is "de-Sinification", and the topic "China" is removed and fermented again; the so-called review of the "1992 Consensus", the launch of the Kuomintang version of "Taiwan Future Resolution" and so on. These quick successes and short-term operating methods will undoubtedly be difficult to achieve real results, and will lose core positions and principles, and may even cause the Blue Camp supporters to collapse and give the former DPP a "de-Sinification" move. It would obviously be a reference to medical treatment in a sudden illness and self-deprivation. (The author is Yang Kunfu, the director of the Taiwan Society of Xiamen; the source of this article: "Taihai" magazine)

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